Dangerous Nation: America's Place in the World, from it's by Robert Kagan

By Robert Kagan

From the writer of the immensely influential and best-selling Of Paradise and Power—a significant reevaluation of America’s position on the planet from the colonial period to the flip of the 20th century.Robert Kagan strips away the parable of America’s isolationist culture and divulges a extra complex fact: that americans were expanding their international strength and effect gradually for the previous 4 centuries. Even from the time of the Puritans, he unearths, the United States used to be no shining “city up on a hill” yet an engine of business and territorial growth that drove local american citizens, in addition to French, Spanish, Russian, and eventually even British energy, from the North American continent. Even prior to the start of the state, americans believed they have been destined for worldwide management. Underlying their objectives, Kagan argues, used to be a suite of rules and beliefs concerning the international and human nature. He makes a speciality of the announcement of Independence because the rfile that firmly demonstrated the yankee conviction that the inalienable rights of all mankind transcended territorial borders and blood ties. American nationalism, he indicates, was once consistently internationalist at its center. He additionally makes a startling discovery: that the Civil battle and the abolition of slavery—the success of the beliefs of the Declaration—were the decisive turning element within the historical past of yank international coverage in addition. Kagan's awesome and accomplished reexamination of early American overseas coverage makes transparent why the United States, from its very starting, has been seen around the world not just as a wellspring of political, cultural, and social revolution, yet as an formidable and, every now and then, risky country.

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They wanted a firm grip on the waterways that led from the St. Lawrence through the Great Lakes to the Mississippi, and they would expand their holdings in the region if they could. But Louis XIV and Louis XV were preoccupied with affairs in Europe and would not spare the manpower to set- The First Imperialists 23 tie a vast French population in the heartland of North America. The AngloAmericans did. They wanted to settle new land, and they were settling it at an alarming pace. As one Indian leader told his compatriots, "Brethren, are you ignorant of the difference between our Father [the French] and the English?

One year before the bloodshed at Lexington and Concord, the Virginia Convention was still committed to "the security and happiness of the British Empire," insisting only that "assumptions of unlawful power" by Parliament were the chief threat to the "harmony and union" of all the peoples within that empire. Jefferson appealed to the king to intervene against one legislature within his realm attempting to subjugate another. " A century and a half later the British themselves would adopt this idea in the form of the British Commonwealth of Nations.

59 Instead the task was left to the British Empire. The appeals of Franklin and other colonial leaders for imperial action had finally fallen on receptive ears in London. After decades of relative neglect of North America in favor of preserving a balance of power in Europe, British public opinion in the late 1740s and early 1750s was growing more bellicose. A powerful faction in Parliament wanted more aggressive action against France, which many believed to be on the move in both Europe and North America.

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