By Christoph Zurcher, Carrie Manning, Kristie Evenson, Rachel Hayman, Sarah Riese, Nora Roehner
Costly Democracy makes the case that the personal tastes of household elites are significantly formed through the prices they incur in adopting democracy, in addition to the leverage that peacebuilders wield to extend the prices of non-adoption. As situations from Afghanistan, Bosnia, Kosovo, Timor, Rwanda, Namibia, Mozambique, and Tajikistan express, family elites in postwar societies could hope the resources—both fabric and symbolic—that peacebuilders can carry, yet they're much less wanting to undertake democracy simply because they suspect democratic reforms might endanger a few or all in their important pursuits. Costly Democracy bargains comparative analyses of contemporary situations of peacebuilding to deepen realizing of postwar democratization and higher clarify why peacebuilding missions frequently deliver peace, yet seldom democracy, to war-torn countries.
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Extra resources for Costly Democracy: Peacebuilding and Democratization After War
Perhaps because of this, peacebuilders often find their legitimacy challenged by local voices. Domestic political actors may accuse peacebuilders of imposing policies that lack local support or ownership. They may critically assess the record of peacebuilding achievements. They may also accuse peacebuilders of establishing foreign (quasi-colonial) rule over the postwar society. In so doing they hope to reduce peacebuilders’ leverage by establishing the superiority of their own legitimacy. To sum up, domestic political actors calculate adoption costs by assessing the impact that democratization will have on their security situation and on their ability to achieve a prime political objective.
This bears witness both to how ambitious and all-encompassing the peacebuilding agenda has become and also to how deeply international organizations involved in peacebuilding believe in their ability to socially engineer postwar societies. Contemporary peacebuilding is, in short, state building aimed at “constructing or reconstructing institutions of governance capable of providing citizens with physical and economic security. ”3 Much effort, then, is invested in imbuing the state with the capacity to deliver services and public goods that will enhance the welfare of society.
The UN mission (UNTAG, the United Nations Transition Assistance Group) had transitional administrative authority and was decisive in securing positive peacebuilding outcomes. Unlike in Mozambique, however, aid was of little consequence. 18 Mozambique’s sixteen-year war (1977–1992) was also heavily influenced by its regional context. Exclusionary regimes in Rhodesia and South Africa fueled an enduring internal conflict sustained by the government’s heavy-handed socialist agenda, economic collapse, and ethnoregional grievances.