By Vivien Hart
What distinction does a written structure make to public coverage? How have ladies employees fared in a kingdom sure by way of constitutional ideas, in comparison with these no longer coated through formal, written promises of reasonable process or equitable end result? to enquire those questions, Vivien Hart lines the evolution of minimal salary regulations within the usa and Britain from their universal origins in women's politics round 1900 to their divergent results in our day. She argues, opposite to universal knowledge, that the virtue has been with the yankee constitutional approach instead of the British.
Basing her research on basic learn, Hart reconstructs felony suggestions and coverage judgements that revolved round the reputation of girls as employees and the general public definition of gender roles. Contrasting seismic shifts and growth in American minimal salary coverage with indifference and eventual abolition in Britain, she demanding situations preconceptions concerning the constraints of yank constitutionalism as opposed to British flexibility. even though constitutional requisites did block and frustrate women's makes an attempt to realize reasonable wages, in addition they, as Hart demonstrates, created a terrain within the usa for principled debate approximately ladies, paintings, and the state--and a momentum for public policy--unparalleled in Britain. Hart's e-book may be of curiosity to coverage, hard work, women's, and criminal historians, to political scientists, and to scholars of gender matters, legislation, and social coverage.
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Additional info for Bound by Our Constitution
Women had brought the policy into serious contention, and in the process brought deﬁnitions of both gender and class identities to a new complexity, more appropriate to women’s lives in industrial Britain. • N O S W E A T • 29 WOMEN’S VOICES The dispute over whether home workers (virtually a gendered category), or sweated labor (a class category), should beneﬁt was the crux of the division between women in the ﬁrst years of the minimum wage campaign. The technical use of the term home to mean a form of workplace embodied a gendered discourse.
They blamed economic structures, explained dirt and disease as the consequence of life on starvation wages, applied the analysis to home and factory, and promulgated a solution that would provide sweated workers with the wherewithal to live without imposing rules on how to live. The views of Mary Macarthur suggest that a different class, generation, and the rise of collectivist-socialist ideas represented a new stage in the deﬁnition of women’s politics. Her claim for equal rights for women in the labor force compared women’s rights and men’s rights within and between classes, rather than women’s rights and mother’s roles.
97 When she campaigned for the abolition of sex discrimination, it was in tandem with the abolition of class distinctions. Thus, for example, her position on suffrage: “If, in the later stages of the Women’s Suffrage agitation she seemed to undervalue the vote, it was because the working women who most needed its protection were left out in the cold under the Limited Bill, as were large numbers of working men. 99 She understood the plight of women carrying the double burden of work and home responsibilities.