By Richard M. Mills
This paintings explores how Soviet analysts interpret American family politics and social pursuits by way of analyzing their solutions to such questions as: "Who principles America?" "How do those rulers remain in power?" and "How do the foremost sessions have interaction within the American social and political arenas?" turbines demonstrates that, regardless of starting to be Soviet realizing of the yankee political approach and their expanding interpretive emphasis on elites instead of periods, Soviet research remains to be limited by means of an complex "mindset" that resists amendment. An intimate examine Soviet political considering, this examine additionally considers fresh alterations, and the clients for the evolution of a extra sophisticated framework lower than perestroika.
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Additional resources for As Moscow Sees Us: American Politics and Society in the Soviet Mindset
If Beglov is correct, there is far less diffusion of power among the monopoly bourgeoisie than suggested by certain Soviet analyses that had posited a greater pluralism within the ruling class. Obviously, they should update the argument in view of whatever shifts in economic and political power from the North to the South may have transpired in the 1970s and 1980s and the rise of the multinationals. But no major Soviet studies have appeared yet except for a book on the creation of conglomerates that does not address the political consequences (Cheprakov 1984).
Liberal Democracy in America 45 mindset, Soviet writers repeat Marx's description of that struggle's dynamics. The bourgeoisie needed allies to overcome the aristocracy. To attract the support of the newly forming working class, they proclaimed democracy as the basic principle of a restructured political life and organization (Guliev 1973). Beyond the political rationale, there were also economic motives for advocating democracy. The capitalists' need for laborers required a promise of at least minimal personal freedom for individuals; in particular, it meant releasing the serfs from their feudal bonds and the handicraftsmen from the ties binding them to their shops so that they could work in the factories (Shakhnazarov 1955).
If this degree of economic concentration were to be achieved, it would mean that the class composition of society had become so nearly polarized that the end of the capitalist system was at hand. To prevent that outcome, and to preserve the class domination of the entire bourgeoisie, government policy must sometimes be directed against precisely the largest and most powerful monopolies (Nikiforov, ed. 1972). In the complete domination version these very monopolies are portrayed as always succeeding in dictating their will to the state.