By Eric Freedman, Richard Shafer
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This specific quantity examines how and to what volume former sufferers of Stalinist terror from around the Soviet Union and japanese Europe have been obtained, reintegrated and rehabilitated following the mass releases from prisons and labour camps which got here within the wake of Stalin's dying in 1953 and Khrushchev's reforms within the next decade.
1 November 2006. Alexander Litvinenko is overtly poisoned in important London. Twenty days later he dies, killed from the interior. The poison? Polonium; an extraordinary, deadly and hugely radioactive substance. His crime? He had made a few strong enemies in Russia.
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Said to have ﬁnanced the Respublika and Vremya PO opposition newspaper; before 2002 owned Channel 31 and was associated with Tan TV Atamkulov, Erlan Rakhat Kazakh-Austrian conglomerate of 29 companies, including a hotel construction company, vodka production, Arabian race-horse breeding, and insurance companies (1992–2002); president, Kazakhstan Temir Zholy (2002–07); member, board of directors, Kedentransservis company (2007–08). Member, Otan Party’s political council (2007–08). None Baiseitov, Bakhytbek Forbes estimated net worth in 2009 at $1 billion; founder of and major shareholder in Centercredit Bank; president, Association of Banks of Kazakhstan; president, Atameken ﬁnancial investment group; chair, board of directors, CenterInvest investment company.
As before, the mass local press played a dual role. From one view, it was in fact an independent check on party policies, on economic performance and management. Although Soviet news-gathering and -dissemination conventions were o en extreme from a Western perspective, they may have had value as an interventionist model along the lines of public journalism, an alternative model espoused today by some American journalists and news organizations in recent years. T H E P O ST I N D E P E N D E N C E P R E SS 27 Community-level journalists were charged with leading and extolling campaigns to investigate corruption, reveal factory inefﬁciencies, and rally agricultural and industrial workers to raise production and meet centrally established quotas.
27 In response, regional television stations like Rika TV in Aktobe, Irbis in Pavlodar, and Tan in Almaty, which before late 2001 had not aired opposition political views, suddenly became sharply critical. 28 DCK leaders were, in eﬀect, attempting to use their media outlets not only against rival ﬁnancial-industrial groups but also as a campaign to win public support for their larger political agenda. The criticism they aired ranged from the domination of ﬁnancial-industrial groups close to the president over natural resources to government policy privileging the interests of a select few over the public good.