By Alan Walker, Christian Aspalter
East Asian societies are altering quickly, and some of the most vital aspects of this alteration is inhabitants the growing old. of society. "Active ageing" is likely one of the few thoughts to be had this day to successfully handle the issues bobbing up from a highly-aged and, fairly in East Asia, fast-ageing society, providing a brand new social coverage paradigm to redirect and innovate new social guidelines, relatively social companies, social transfers, social rules and legislation, in the direction of extra funding in and help of the short emerging variety of olderelderly electorate.
This booklet specializes in the reviews of East Asian societies the place lively ageing has been applied. It provides a radical research of the concept that of lively growing older and its capability and difficulties of implementations in several levels of improvement in East Asia, while offering theoretical readability to, and broadening the concept that of, lively getting older. additional, the country-focused case stories discover easy methods to layout, pursue, degree and overview social guidelines, spotlight the issues on the topic of the implementation of the concept that of lively getting older in social coverage and description the sensible implications of energetic getting older concept forin coverage making.
Active getting old in Asia will attract scholars and students of social and public coverage, social paintings, gerontology and well-being and social management, in addition to to coverage makers operating within the box.
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Additional info for Active Ageing in Asia
Nonetheless the empirical link between activity and well-being in later life, established by the activity school, remains true today and has an even stronger evidence base. In the 1980s the concept re-surfaced in the US in the guise of ‘productive ageing’. Its emergence reflected various socio-political developments. Researchers had begun to shift the focus of ageing research from older people to the process of human development over the life course. Underlying this attention to the life course was the realisation that chronological age is not a good predictor or performance.
1 Life course segmentation (source: Walker and Maltby (2012)). popular discourses still operate as if the traditional model is the dominant one. This embeddedness encourages silo thinking in policy and practice: active ageing is for the retired and so on. In contrast the age integrated paradigm opens the door to a life course active ageing approach. Equally important is the barriers created by age discrimination or ageism (Macnicol, 2006; Walker, 2012). These can include direct discrimination, when older workers are excluded from jobs or vulnerable older patients are abused, but also encompasses less direct, more insidious, stereotyping for example when older people are described as a ‘burden’ or accused of robbing resources from the young.
In its absence the neoliberal reduction of active ageing to working longer remains the main policy goal. The second barrier to active ageing is cultural. Of highest importance here are misleading and often damaging stereotypes. The most common active ageing stereotype is of a super-fit pensioner who performs extraordinary feats of gymnastics or athletics. Such stereotypes severely distort the meaning of active ageing by transforming it from a potentially mass pursuit to an exclusive minority one.